{"id":43450,"date":"2025-11-17T11:24:46","date_gmt":"2025-11-17T10:24:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/arbejdermuseet.dk\/?page_id=43450"},"modified":"2026-01-29T08:20:57","modified_gmt":"2026-01-29T07:20:57","slug":"dsf-and-the-september-settlement","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/arbejdermuseet.dk\/en\/library-archive\/the-early-labor-movement\/dsf-and-the-september-settlement\/","title":{"rendered":"DsF and the September Settlement"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

On 3 January 1898, 405 delegates, representing 70,000 organized workers, gathered at Folkets Hus on Enghavevej in Copenhagen to found the Confederation of Trade Unions, which since 1959 has been known as the National Organization in Denmark – LO.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

By Henning Grelle<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"F20080507052\"
Workers’ excursion to Ulvedalene during the lockout in 1899<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The establishment of De samvirkende Fagforbund, DsF, marked the provisional end of the workers’ organizing process. The DsF was tasked with administering a conflict fund and regulating strike movements through the allocation of financial support from the community. In order to receive strike funds, a strike had to be approved by the DsF Executive Committee. It was then up to the individual trade union, in cooperation with DsF, to bring the strike to an end. However, DsF could not force each union to reach a settlement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The creation of DsF meant that the division of tasks in the trade union movement was established. The national trade unions retained their independence and monopoly on trade union work, as well as the right to conclude collective agreements. The local joint organizations lost the right to regulate the strike movement and instead became the link between the trade union and political movement in the cities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the following years, DsF would revolutionize the labor market. There were now two main organizations in the labor market – workers’ and employers’. The two soon became key players in regulating the labor market and establishing a trade union legal system as we know it today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Strike regulation and conflict preparedness<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The creation of the DsF was the culmination of almost 30 years of efforts to establish and systematize conflict preparedness in the trade union movement. As early as 1875, Louis Pio had formulated the most important principles for initiating strikes in an article.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First of all, a strike had to be organized. “A trade union whose members run among themselves like a flock of stray sheep can only achieve a good result by chance,” Pio wrote. Secondly, there had to be complete agreement on the justification of a strike. Only in this way could it be accepted by the workers involved and secure them the support of other workers. Finally, the timing of the strike was of paramount importance. The economic situation in the trade had to be taken into account and it had to be ensured that other trades had financial means and could come to the rescue. Last but not least, not too many trades could go on strike at the same time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The purpose of Pio’s article was to set up a strike committee under the Labor Party. However, this did not succeed, neither in the 1870s nor in the 1880s. Strikes and lockouts were therefore supported by voluntary contributions from employed workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

During the 1890s, conflict support based on voluntary contributions became completely inadequate. Industrial development, which had previously been concentrated in Copenhagen, spread rapidly to all parts of the country. More and more workers were organized in trade unions in the provinces, and employers here also began to move closer together in employers’ associations whose main purpose was to fight the unions. From the mid-1890s, the toughest labor struggles took place in the provinces. The provincial workers demanded a stronger community within their own ranks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1892, the Copenhagen joint organization, De samvirkende Fagforeninger, took the initiative to organize strike support that included the Copenhagen trade unions. The reason for this was that a number of Copenhagen unions had lost strikes and unconditionally had to submit to the employers’ demands. In addition, there was great dissatisfaction among the Copenhagen carpenters that funds collected for a lockout in the trade were used by De samvirkende Fagforeninger to support strikers in other trades. The carpenters therefore demanded firmer rules for further work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first rules for strike support from 1892 only contained a moral obligation to provide mutual support. Unions could agree to make a minimum contribution per working member. In return, strike support was set at DKK 10 per week for each striking member of male unions and DKK 6 per week for each striking member of female unions. The compulsory strike pay now meant that approval from the leadership of the Confederation of Danish Trade Unions was required to initiate a strike. And a strike could not begin until all negotiating options had been exhausted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1895, the rules were revised and made more than morally binding. The cooperating trade unions were now entitled to impose a maximum of 25 \u00f8re per working member per week on the individual member unions. The strike support was still DKK 10 and DKK 6 respectively.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both unions and associations could sign up for the scheme. This meant that the Copenhagen joint organization from then on took on a nationwide character and in labor disputes was given the status of the main organization. On January 3, 1898, De samvirkende Fagforeninger became De samvirkende Fagforbund with painter Jens Jensen as chairman, who had been chairman of De samvirkende Fagforeninger since 1886, and with Peter Knudsen, leader of the Social Democratic Party, as vice chairman.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lockout in the provinces<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Strikes were not an end in themselves, but were the most effective means for workers to achieve higher wages and shorter working hours. From 1895, negotiations with employers became increasingly difficult. Employers’ associations were now established everywhere with the sole purpose of fighting the unions. Although the first collective agreements covering a larger number of workplaces and unions were signed, the trend in the larger trades was that even smaller wage demands were met with employer lockouts. The purpose of lockouts was to divide workers’ mutual solidarity on the one hand, and to demonstrate that they did not want to negotiate with the unions on the other.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Among the most aggressive were the “iron men”, namely the Association of Manufacturers in the Iron Industry and the Association of Iron Manufacturers in the Provinces. These associations were outside the employers’ main organization, the Danish Employers’ Association of 1896, which consisted of employers in the building and construction trades.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The vast majority of lockouts were lost, and the workers’ organization was by no means crushed. However, this did not dampen the warlike spirit of the iron manufacturers, who wanted to destroy the unions with all their might. A good example that had more fundamental consequences for the trade union movement was the conflict in the iron industry that dominated most of 1897.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The “small” September settlement<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

The Danish Union of Blacksmiths and Machinists was one of the best organized unions. In early 1897, the ironworkers planned a new push against the union, which until then had effectively exploited the favorable economic conditions for wage improvements. The provincial manufacturers’ association instructed its member companies to avoid any negotiations with the union. The directive also included a ban on the introduction of minimum wages.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The blacksmiths intensified their work by setting up workshop clubs to avoid workers having to negotiate wages and working conditions individually. The workshop clubs agreed on the wages to be paid, and if the individual worker could not achieve this, he left the factory and the club ensured that his place was not filled. The result was that the factories that paid poorly were depopulated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The employers protested violently, citing their management rights. The blacksmith union responded with a shrug, pointing out that they had no obligation to provide workers at a wage set by the manufacturers alone. However, they were willing to negotiate working conditions. If they were in order, the manufacturers would get their workers back.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When workers at some poorly paid factories in Aalborg left their jobs, the employers locked out 1500 workers in the province. At the same time, they intensified the conflict by posting so-called “Joint Workshop Rules”. These workshop rules contained a wage regulation that determined working hours, payment for overtime and the procedure for concluding piecework. In addition, they included a requirement that no worker could be hired in the future without presenting proof from his former master that he had been legally released from his obligations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In March, a more extensive lockout was temporarily avoided. Fearing that the lockout could extend to the Copenhagen blacksmiths and machinists, the chairman of the Copenhagen City Council managed to mediate. Work was to resume immediately and the issue of common workshop rules was to be negotiated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From April to the end of May, the parties conducted fruitless negotiations. The employers would not give in and the blacksmith union stood firm on its demands for changes to the workshop rules, including the abolition of the marksmanship certificates. From June 1, the employers declared a major lockout throughout the iron industry.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The conflict involved 4,000 workers and ended after 15 weeks on September 13. A settlement was reached by two prominent mediators, namely the chairman of De samvirkende Fagforeninger, Jens Jensen, and the chairman of Arbejdsgiverforeningen af 1896, Niels Andersen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The employers had to withdraw the scoring sheets, and a piecework agreement was now valid when it was agreed between master and journeyman. This was seen by several manufacturers as an encroachment on management rights. The workers had to agree not to stop work until negotiations and mediation had been attempted. Finally, the parties agreed to establish a tribunal to settle labor disputes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The settlement effectively meant recognition of the workers’ organization as an equal party. However, there was little indication that all employer organizations agreed with this fact.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Prelude to a major lockout<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Immediately after its founding, DsF called on trade unions to join. It had to happen quickly. There was no time to wait for federal congresses. The question of affiliation had to be decided by a vote in the branches. DsF pointed out that employers were busy agitating for membership of the Confederation of Danish Employers and Masters. Jens Jensen had a clear opinion about what this could lead to: “There is no doubt that in the coming spring, we will be met by the central organization of the masters in every question raised by the workers’ organizations.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The call had an effect. During the first year, DsF had over 68,000 members in 42 unions with 964 branches and 35 trade unions outside the unions. These forces were badly needed. In their eagerness to gain new member organizations, the employers’ association directly highlighted the possibility of winning the battle against the workers. The DsF urged its member organizations to be cautious. Despite a long series of work stoppages in 1898, they managed to avoid provoking the employers’ use of the lockout. Jens Jensen proved time and time again
as an excellent negotiator, who was able to calm the employers’ tempers and get along with their chairman Niels Andersen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The iron manufacturers could not forget their defeat in 1897, and in January 1899 they launched a new battle against the Danish Ironworkers’ Union.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Without warning, hourly wages were introduced instead of piecework at the Titan factory. This meant a 33% pay cut for the workers, which they naturally protested against. Workers who refused to work on hourly wages were dismissed. When, despite repeated requests from the blacksmith union, they would not negotiate to reinstate the workers, all the workers left the factory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The employers threatened DsF with a nationwide lockout. The blacksmith union got no response. The employers would not even correspond with the union. Nevertheless, Jens Jensen managed to get the parties to the negotiating table. The union was told that under no circumstances would the manufacturers negotiate a piecework agreement with the workers, but that the determination of the piecework was the manufacturer’s own business. Accepting such a monopoly would mean that everything the labor movement had fought for in 30 years was lost.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the last minute, however, Jens Jensen and the Danish Ironworkers’ Union managed to reach a settlement with the Employers’ Association. The workers returned to Titan on the same working conditions that applied before the conflict.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The settlement almost cost Niels Andersen his chairmanship, as there were two wings in the Employers’ Association: the iron manufacturers who wanted a massive showdown with the unions, and the others who wanted a labor market regulated through agreements and arbitration. However, both wings agreed that a test of strength between the parties would be crucial to what a future labor market would look like.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Major lockout and September settlement<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

A series of small carpenters’ strikes in seven cities in Jutland prompted the Employers’ Association to initiate the most comprehensive test of strength in the history of the labor movement. On April 1, 1899, almost 400 journeymen went on strike to achieve a specific wage demand that gave them the same pay as their colleagues in other parts of the country. The carpenters’ union negotiated a collective agreement that was adopted by the employers, but rejected by the workers. A new vote among the carpenters was held, but with the same result.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Danish Employers’ Association then locked out all journeymen carpenters from May 2. The lockout led to the Carpenters’ Union members adopting the collective agreement on May 10.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The workers declared the conflict over, but the Danish Employers’ Association thought otherwise. The Copenhagen carpenters had resigned from the union in protest against the collective agreement. According to the employers, the lockout could not end until a completely new collective agreement had been negotiated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Confederation of Danish Employers’ demands for this negotiation became the so-called 8 points, which not only covered the carpenters’ conditions, but also became the first proposal for how the employers envisioned the principles of a main agreement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Confederation of Danish Employers demanded that DsF should be primarily responsible for ensuring that collective agreements were respected and complied with. Agreements concluded between the main organizations could not be made dependent on the vote of local branches. In addition, the employers demanded the right to manage and distribute the work at the companies and that all collective agreements should have a common expiry date of January 1 with three months’ notice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The demands were flatly rejected by DsF with the remark that it was a war for the sake of war. DsF had no authority to force the carpenters to go to work, and with regard to the employers’ demands for management rights, it was only natural that the workers had the right to influence the conditions under which they were to work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The employers now considered further negotiations hopeless. As a result, the lockout was extended to a wide range of other trades, reaching a peak of 40,000 workers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For 100 days from May to September, the union movement had to collect money for the locked-out workers from home and abroad. After endless negotiations and numerous attempts at mediation, the conflict ended on September 5, 1899, and the leadership of DsF and the Confederation of Danish Employers signed the September Agreement, which both ended the lockout and set the framework for the labor market for decades.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Read the agreement here<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The September agreement became the labor market constitution and was hailed as a victory by both parties. In DsF’s Board of Representatives, the agreement was not greeted with enthusiasm, 128 voted for and 98 against. If the lockout was an attempt to crush the unions, the opposite was the case. The workers emerged stronger from the conflict with unity and solidarity intact and even with the employers’ recognition of their right to organize. Fundamental to the settlement was the two main organizations’ mutual recognition of each other as parties entitled to negotiate and engage in conflict. Other parts of the settlement were characterized by the principles contained in the employers’ 8 points. Rules were established for the notification and implementation of strikes and lockouts. A duty was introduced for the organizations not to approve or support conflicts while collective agreements were in force. The duty of peace was only lifted when the collective agreements expired and until new ones were signed. The right to conflict was thus preserved, but limited to certain periods of time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The most controversial clause of the agreement was – and still is – the employers’ right to direct and distribute work, as well as to use the workforce they deem appropriate at any given time. While posterity has mostly focused on management rights and accused the trade union movement of supporting the capitalist system and selling out democracy, contemporaries were most concerned with the part that dealt with employers’ right to hire the labor they wanted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The unions of skilled workers feared that employers would replace skilled labor with unskilled labor on a large scale, a fear that also proved well-founded in the iron industry, for example. The issue of management rights was of lesser importance to the workers, judging by the surveys conducted by DsF itself immediately after the agreement was reached. Several expressed that the settlement offered good opportunities to influence their own working conditions. The fact that the employer had the right to manage and distribute the work was nothing new, but it was not and should not be interpreted to mean that the employer should have sole control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The decisive news of the settlement was that the cooperating trade unions would in future be held accountable for collective agreements. This was new in relation to the task DsF had been given when it was founded on January 3, 1898.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1910, the September Agreement was expanded with a set of rules on mediation and arbitration, the so-called “Norm”, which is still in force. In the same year, the Act on a Standing Arbitration Court, later the Labor Court, and the Act on a Conciliator were added. The state thus came to play a role in the labor market, which in its basic form still operates on the rules from that time.<\/p>\n\n\n\r\n\r\n

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On 3 January 1898, 405 delegates, representing 70,000 organized workers, gathered at Folkets Hus on Enghavevej in Copenhagen to found the Confederation of Trade Unions, which since 1959 has been known as the National Organization in Denmark – LO. By Henning Grelle The establishment of De samvirkende Fagforbund, DsF, marked the provisional end of the…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":47246,"parent":41410,"menu_order":6,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"page-kildepakke.php","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"editor_notices":[],"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-43450","page","type-page","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDsF and the September Settlement - Arbejdermuseet<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/arbejdermuseet.dk\/en\/library-archive\/the-early-labor-movement\/dsf-and-the-september-settlement\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"DsF and the September Settlement - Arbejdermuseet\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"On 3 January 1898, 405 delegates, representing 70,000 organized workers, gathered at Folkets Hus on Enghavevej in Copenhagen to found the Confederation of Trade Unions, which since 1959 has been known as the National Organization in Denmark – LO. 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