{"id":42485,"date":"2025-11-06T11:11:48","date_gmt":"2025-11-06T10:11:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/arbejdermuseet.dk\/?page_id=42485"},"modified":"2026-01-29T08:23:29","modified_gmt":"2026-01-29T07:23:29","slug":"you-cant-be-friends-with-everyone","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/arbejdermuseet.dk\/en\/library-archive\/the-trade-union-movement-then-and-now\/you-cant-be-friends-with-everyone\/","title":{"rendered":"You can’t be friends with everyone"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

In June 1993, Grafisk Forbund was founded. Bookbinders, lithographers and typographers disbanded their respective unions and united graphic workers in a common union. From January 1, 2000, Grafisk Forbund will be dissolved and the graphic workers will be distributed in HK, SiD and Journalistforbundet. There will still be graphic workplaces with graphic workers, but almost 250 years of organizational culture with typographers as pioneers and innovators is definitely over.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

By Henning Grelle<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"F20120629053\"
Unemployed Copenhagen typographers on an excursion, with horn music, in the summer before the outbreak of World War I, 1914.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Attempts to organize and not least the struggle for better wages and working conditions have been strong in the history of the last 150 years. This has caused sparks within the union between proud “conservatives” and red “revolutionaries”, but also problems in relation to the rest of the trade union movement and the general public. Few groups of workers can boast, like typographers, of being called troublemakers and royalists, demanding and square, inflexible and conservative, unsupportive and supportive, all at the same time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Typographers and the other graphic arts professions have never been able to be friends with everyone. Their adaptations in the professional system have made enemies, but respect for their professional line, their victories and defeats constitute an indisputable and important contribution to the history of the labor movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1754-1869: From Liigkasse to trade union<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

From Johannes Gutenberg’s invention of a type-casting device in 1440 to 1754, little is known about Danish typographers and printers. The profession’s employers, factors and journeymen were dominated by German names and it was also under German influence that “Liigkassen for Venner af Bogtrykkerkunstens og andre med samme Profession -. Staaende Personer” was formed in 1754. The initiative came from “De Berlingske Arvingers Bogtrykkeri” and in the future, both high and low who signed up as members could receive funeral assistance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1792, a sickness fund was also established in Copenhagen, followed by various funds with the purpose of providing support and travel assistance. In 1839, all the funds were united in “De forenede Hielpekasser for Typographer i Kj\u00f8benhavn”. Members of individual funds could retain their membership in these, but newcomers became members of the united fund, whose holdings were for the benefit of all.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many typographers saw themselves as artists because of the profession’s special connection with literature and the professional pride associated with it. The profession stood outside the lowly craftsmanship and factory industry that was slowly emerging. Professional activity, for example in the form of a strike, was therefore permitted as the trade was not subject to the strike ban of 1800. However, there was little professional activity that could break the good unity between the principals – as employers were called – and the journeymen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1835, a skilled typographer and letterpress printer Carl Jacob Behrend tried to unite against the new technology of the time – the high-speed press. Attempts at what looked like a machine storm went unheeded. However, Behrend’s attempts to introduce apprenticeship tests and limit the number of apprentices went slightly better. An attempt to promote “the interests of typography and its practitioners” succeeded through a company that was later named “The Typographical Association”. In this, employers were made honorary members, so the association’s purpose consisted solely of social demands financed through “Concordia”, a joke magazine that died in 1839 and took the association to its grave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1848\/49, the tone was completely different. Not because the typographers founded a singing society in 1846, but because the European revolutions swept across the nations. the “Spirit of ’48” came to Danish typographers from Berlin, conveyed by the returning typographer William Dau. He gathered 37 journeymen for a meeting that made ten demands to the employers. Almost directly translated from German, they demanded a 12-hour working day with two hours for dinner. A certain ratio between the number of apprentices and printing presses and the establishment of an arbitration court. In addition, better wages and better night work pay. This was unprecedented in the trade, but the letterpress printers quickly united and stood for a common rejection. But the race was over. 196 battle-hardened typographers had resigned and on Christmas Eve, December 23, 1848, the first strike in the profession was a fact.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By mid-January 49, the strike was already lost. There was no strike fund and loans from the relief funds were prevented by the employers. In addition, the printing works continued to operate imperceptibly, partly with the help of typographers from the provinces.
The typographers got very little out of the strike. Dau was scapegoated and had to leave for America. Months later, Denmark got its first constitution. The typographers went to sleep and only woke up again in 1869.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1869-1903: From association to union<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Denmark’s first trade union has been called the “Typographical Association” founded on June 12, 1869. This is both right and wrong. Right because the association survived as a trade union until 1993. Wrong because the first real socialist trade union was the cigar makers’ “Enigheden” from September 1, 1871.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Typographical Association was founded at a time of organizational stalemate in the labor market. And it survived perhaps because it was so moderate that everyone could join. But regardless of opinion, the association was a place where people in the profession could meet and exchange opinions. Meetings, discussions about typography, the creation of a library and maintaining a sense of the art of letterpress printing were among its aims, and both the journeyman and the principal were able to sign off on this, which is why they could both become members.
The fact that the salary issue was put on the agenda was due to typographer Frederik Kl\u00fcglein, who a few months earlier had published the magazine “Skandinavisk Bogtrykker-Tidende”. In it, he called for a discussion of typographers’ social conditions, reforms through collective agreements and a call to build a necessary bulwark against capital. “Only unity makes strong,” he wrote. When Kl\u00fcglein later criticized the Typographical Association as worthless and as a sledge in the way of uniting common forces, the coldness between Kl\u00fcglein and the association was total. The latter could rejoice in the fact that the “enemy blade” quickly went in and at the first anniversary celebration in 1870 the speakers could be celebrated with a toast to King and Country and to the principals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The socialist movement that began with Louis Pio’s agitation went over the heads of the association in the following years. Isolated from the rest of the labor movement, they participated with the banner in the Right’s constitutional parties and all attempts to approach the labor movement were voted down.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1875, the association’s chairman R.P. Jensen turned on a dime. Through a successful tour of the provinces, he founded “Almindeligt dansk Typograf-Forbund”, which the following year comprised 16 branches with 186 members. The typographers’ initiative was a direct counteraction against the employers’ association “Foreningen af danske bogtrykkere”, which aimed to become a national organization. It was obvious that this was a test of strength, but the Typographical Association, which was the leading voice of the workers, negotiated a new tariff for over a year, after which the union lost patience when it was too late. In October 1876, the old tariff from 1874 was terminated and a strike was called with a blockade of two newspaper printing plants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

R.P. Jensen had, however, settled the bill without a host. Although there was DKK 4,500 to support 175 strikers, contributions from other workers’ organizations were completely cut off. Unity was not tested as forty members ignored the strike decision. The principals obtained scabs from Germany and a general economic downturn in society became a welcome relief. On December 5, the typographers had to give up. The defeat resulted in the dissolution of the union. The membership of the Typographical Association fell below 100 and R.P. Jensen resigned from his post.
Social-Demokraten wrote gloatingly: “That’s what comes out of a strike when you don’t subordinate yourself to the overall Labour Party”. While the Copenhagen association went into hibernation, but in 1878 took over the payment of travel assistance and in 1880 established an unemployment fund, the scene shifted to Jutland and the islands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1880, the Social Democratic newspaperman Harald Jensen took the initiative to found the “Jutland Typographical Association”, which initially had the purpose of providing travel assistance. The following year, Zealand and the Islands took the same initiative, but quickly united with their Jutland colleagues in the “Danish Typographical Association”. The community with the Copenhageners was emphasized by “Typograf-Tidende” (1874) becoming a joint membership magazine.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, the new signs of unity were broken by a split when around 100 members resigned from the Copenhagen association to form “Ny typografisk Forening” in 1885. A strike at “Demokraten” in Aarhus also led to a similar split. The reason was that the existing unions joined the trade union community, “De samvirkende Fagforeninger”, which developed into LO. The new competing unions were against the “rapprochement with the socialists”. The split lasted until 1898 in Aarhus and 1909 in Copenhagen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In January 1903, the country’s typographers were united in a trade union, “Dansk Typograf-Forbund”. Efforts had been underway since 1897 when they succeeded in forming a joint unemployment insurance fund. The lithographers had already established a national union in 1895, the same year as the bookbinders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1903-10: 8-hour workday and August Committee<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

The Typographers’ Union got off to a good start. In the fall of 1905, the parties agreed on a new tariff for the provinces, which included significant wage increases and a reduction in working hours after 8 pm to 8 \u00bd hours and after 10 pm to 8 hours. In Copenhagen, they also demanded an improvement in wages, but also a regular daily working time of eight hours. “The fulfillment of this demand alone is capable of bringing about real improvements for the workers of the trade,” it said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Considering that the demand for eight hours of work, eight hours of leisure and eight hours of rest had been raised at May Day meetings since 1890, this was a far-reaching demand that no one but the typographers thought possible. Nevertheless, the negotiators of the tariff commission agreed to reduce working hours immediately from 9 to 8 \u00bd hours and from January 1, 1910 to 8 hours. In return, the duration of the tariff was 8 years and it contained modest wage increases. What some thought would be a jubilant celebration instead ended in discord. The Copenhagen typographers overwhelmingly said no to the tariff proposal in a written vote and then had to start all over again with a newly elected tariff commission, which this time was allowed to finish without a vote. Small wage improvements were made – not least for the printers – but when the tariff was adopted, the Copenhagen typographers were the first in Europe to achieve an 8-hour working day. And it had happened at the negotiating table without union action.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The joy should have been greater, but it probably failed to materialize because the typographers counted the pennies in their wallets. “What is lost on the outside must be won on the inside,” said the union, which in future planned to raise the low wages through house agreements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1908 was a troubled year for the graphic trades. In March, the Lithographic Union had terminated the collective agreement with the Lithographic Principal Association and demanded a reduction in working hours from 9 to 8 hours, a week’s paid summer vacation and an increase in wages. The lithographic employers, supported by the Confederation of Danish Employers, said no to a reduction in working hours and the lithographers went on strike on July 10. In response, the employers announced a lockout of 4000 workers in the graphic trades, with the exception of the daily press.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This led a large majority of typographers to go on sympathy strike where their members were not already affected by the lockout, namely the daily newspapers. From August 10, there was therefore a widespread conflict in the graphic industry. However, the conflict was quickly ended. Sigurd Berg, Minister of the Interior in the left-wing government, offered a settlement that was accepted by all parties. The lithographers had their working hours reduced by \u00bd hour while the rest of the demands were dropped. Part of the settlement was an invitation to the main labor market organizations to set up a joint committee chaired by Dr. Jur. Carl Ussing to find provisions that could prevent strikes and lockouts. This became the famous “August Committee” of August 17, 1908. This committee presented its report in 1910, containing three provisions and additions to the Labor Code (September Settlement of 1899). One was the “Norm for the handling of industrial disputes”. the “Norm” covered disagreements over the interpretation of existing agreements. Disagreements could be settled by mediation if one of the parties demanded it. If mediation failed, mediators could be called in from either side and if the disagreement continued, the main organizations could take over. The last resort was an arbitration court.
The second was a bill for a standing arbitration court, from 1961 the Labor Court. Here, cases of breaches of the collective agreement would be heard.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The third was a bill for state-appointed conciliators in labor disputes. The conciliator could summon the disputing parties to negotiate and possibly submit a mediation proposal. If a major conflict was imminent, a dispute could be postponed and new mediation attempted. This opened the way for government intervention in the labor market. 1910 was therefore a landmark year for the graphic trades. The 8-hour working day for typographers in Copenhagen and a trade union legal system that they had no direct influence on and therefore never learned to love.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1910-40: 30 years with few results<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

On August 3, 1914, the typographers gathered for a delegates meeting (congress). A few days earlier, World War I had broken out, which had a major negative impact on the graphic arts industry. Unemployment reached an unprecedented level as a result of expensive time, lack of paper deliveries and scarce energy supplies. Numerous collective bargaining rounds with subsequent wage adjustments failed to keep up with price developments. It wasn’t until 1920 that typographers received an actual cost-of-living allowance. In 1919, provincial typographers achieved an 8-hour working day, in line with the rest of the labor market.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1920 was marked by political unrest with King Christian X’s dismissal of the radical government and subsequent unrest in the labor market. Employers were on the defensive, but from 1921, wage celebrations were over and economic crisis with frequent government intervention in the labor market became the hallmark of the following two decades.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the big lockout year of 1922, the Copenhagen typographers were again in conflict. The printers’ union presented the typographers with a fait accompli of a pay cut and extended working hours. This proposal was rejected by the typographers, after which the employers locked out all workers employed by members of the Letterpress Association. Daily newspapers were again exempt, which was of great importance as working colleagues could support the locked-out workers during the month and a half the conflict lasted. The result was small improvements, but the majority called it a deterioration. Wage reductions could not be avoided, but working hours remained untouched.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The last major achievement before 1940 was the fulfillment of the Copenhagen typographers’ demand for a week’s holiday with full pay from 1 May to 1 October. The provincial typographers had already secured this right in 1919, but overall, the union was far ahead of other trades, who had to wait until the Holiday Act of 1938.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Chancellor Street Agreement (1933) extension of the collective agreement for one year and the subsequent Conciliation Act in 1934 created frustration in the typography profession. Typographers were now increasingly forced to accept collective agreements that they themselves, like other workers, had rejected in a ballot. This happened because the conciliator could bring everyone together in a mediation proposal with the approval of the main organizations. Government intervention in 1939, when a tariff proposal accepted by the provincial typographers but rejected by the Copenhageners was elevated to law, led to a significant defection from Social Democratic ranks. Several signed up under the banner of the Danish Communists and strengthened the previously so modest opposition in the union and especially in the Copenhagen branch. In addition, there was growing dissatisfaction with the membership of DSF (LO), which was felt to be completely in the pocket of Stauning and the government alliance with the Radicals.
The heated atmosphere in all branches of the union did not find direct professional expression, but could instead be used against the Nazi occupying forces after April 9, 1940. By that time, the union had grown from 1,549 members to 4,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1940-45: Typographers against the war<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

The Nazi occupation put most of the trade union system out of action. Organizations remained intact, but they had to accept reductions in animal time regulation and unemployment benefits. When strikes were banned and a Labor and Conciliation Board was given the power to settle labor disputes, it became difficult to maintain workers’ real wages.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As usual, the graphic industry was hit hard in a crisis situation. Paper restrictions, lack of energy supply and failing orders led to unemployment in the trade. In addition, problems with curfews made work difficult for the large number of workers who worked evening and night shifts.
Throughout the 1930s, the Typographers’ Union had pursued a clear anti-Nazi policy. The majority of members disapproved of the occupation of Denmark, but actual participation in the resistance movement had to wait until the time was ripe. The Communists were relatively passive until 1941, which was due to the so-called Hitler-Stalin pact signed in 1939.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When Danish communists were interned in June 1941 after the Nazi attack on the Soviet Union, the “civil peace” was over. 44 members of the Copenhagen branch and several in the provincial branches were arrested. Fortunately, many managed to escape and “go underground”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Illegal work increased from 1943 with the collapse of the government’s cooperation policy. The graphic workers were well placed for active resistance. As disseminators of the printed word – and the uncensored word at that – they were well equipped to operate even the most primitive and home-made printing machines. At the same time, there was high unemployment in the profession, with printing companies either closed by the Nazis or “shuttered”, so many joined the resistance movement. But there was also a lot of general helpfulness in the profession. The antagonism between workers and employers receded into the background and people worked together to save machinery, get spare parts and make things work so that newspapers and graphic products could be published. The companies also helped each other.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Collective bargaining was also peaceful. The existing ones were extended in 1942, 1943, 1944 and 1945. In 1944, there was a small wage increase. In 1945, the typographers rejected the proposal, which didn’t matter, as it was implemented anyway.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1945-60: Unrest in the labor market<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

LO’s most important demand after the liberation of Denmark was a restoration of real wages to 1939 levels. The typographers were immediately ready to support this cause, and Copenhageners in particular prepared thoroughly for the collective bargaining negotiations in 1947. Among the demands was a 7-hour working day in an attempt to get more people into employment. In addition, they demanded an extension of vacation to three weeks and a significant increase in wages. It was believed that the deprivations of the occupation and post-war unemployment were addressed as a whole. Employers were not only dismissive, but they demanded higher labor productivity and the introduction of penalties for “unacceptable absenteeism”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neither the main organizations nor the conciliator could find common ground and the mood for a strike gained massive support among the members. On 1 March 1947, a strike was a fact, but before that, the relationship with LO had been damaged. The Social Democratic party chairman Hans Hedtoft had recommended to LO that the typographers be urged to ensure that the public authorities’ printed matter could be completed and newspapers published in consideration of political freedom of expression before the parliamentary elections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The typographers called it an ambush because the conservatives now had support in the campaign against the typographers’ “denial of freedom of speech”. However, the Social Democrats wanted to win the county council elections and were not averse to thinking that the strike was a communist-inspired attack on the Social Democratic trade union movement. The bourgeois magazines called the strike the “communist strike” and the communist magazine “Land og Folk” wrote in large headlines that the typographers’ struggle was the struggle of the entire working class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although the department chairman Willy Brauer was a communist, there are many indications that the strike was primarily a typographers’ strike. But the tense relationship between communists and social democrats and the threat of a ‘cold war’ between the superpowers set all parties on edge. When the LO Executive Committee would only grant the mandatory strike support and refused to guarantee a loan from Arbejdernes Landsbank, the typographers felt further betrayed. Only voluntary contributions kept the conflict going for 18 weeks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The final settlement, put together with the help of former department chairman Sigvald Hellberg, included a working time of seven hours if work started after 19:00. In addition, there were minor wage improvements. No defeat, but far from the original demands. A ballot in the department barely saved the proposal at the finish line.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The conflict in 1947 had far-reaching consequences. Firstly, typographers had to adapt to mass hysteria in the media when they were in danger of being affected by the conflict. It also meant a strong focus on typographers’ monopolistic status as disseminators of the printed word. This was especially important for employers, who were given the opportunity to invest in new technology through the Marshall Plan. Politically, the contradictions between social democrats and communists increased in the following decade. Perhaps nothing new, but at least to an unprecedented degree of mutual distrust.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, the immediate result of the strike seemed to pay off in the following years. In 1948, better vacation conditions and wage increases and finally, in 1952, a sickness scheme that ensured the right to unemployment benefits. Even though the 1950s were generally lean years, the industry managed to raise the wages of non-skilled workers. The apprenticeship period in the trade was reduced from five to four years. In addition, all shift work was given a working time of 7 hours a day.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps most forward-looking was a provision in the 1961 collective agreement where the parties confirmed that the dissemination of the printed word was part of the trade’s collective agreement, which meant that the introduction of new technology had to be negotiated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1960-70: Organizational unrest<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Cooperation between the graphic unions had been sparse until the occupation. In 1941, the first border agreement was negotiated between the Typograf-Forbundet and Dansk Bogbinder- og Kartonnagearbejder Forbund. In 1957, the typographers entered into an agreement with the lithographers’ union on the transfer of members. In 1960, the same union made an agreement on photo-technical work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1962, the three unions established the “Graphic Workers’ Cartel”. The purpose was mutual information prior to collective bargaining and coordination of Nordic and international cooperation. The cartel was short-lived and was characterized by disagreements between lithographers and typographers. The death blow came as early as 1965, when the Danish Association of Typographers withdrew from LO through a ballot.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Withdrawal from LO had frequently been on the agenda since 1905. When it became a reality in 1965, it was due to a long-standing dissatisfaction with a collective agreement logic where the typographers’ demands were drowned in a broad mediation proposal, which they had normally rejected. The typographers wanted to negotiate and conclude the agreement themselves and hoped that this could be done by standing outside.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The typographers’ unilateralism required a work program that could steer the organization through the cuts. It contained a number of social demands, economic democracy, education and retraining, the end of labor law and the resumption of the stranded graphic cooperation. Finally, an additional membership fee became necessary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The real unification lasted from 1966 to 1971. When the union rejoined LO by ballot, it was not because the negotiation rules had changed significantly, but primarily because LO was showing signs of a more consistent trade union policy. The Typograf-Forbundet got the negotiations it wanted during its “unification”, but it was still bound by the main agreement and therefore did not avoid the conciliator. The collective bargaining hardly offered greater progress than what the rest of the labor market achieved, but the union could boast that the collective agreement proposals were about the union’s conditions and only that.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1970-80: Troubled years<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Conflict at the daily newspaper Politiken in 1972, 141 days of conflict at Berlingske Hus in 1977, 11 weeks of lockout in 1981. No to the EC in 1972, oil crisis and unemployment in 1974, interference in collective bargaining in 1975, 1977 and 1979. Increased efforts against pirate printers from 1974. The death of newspapers and the closure of most of the Social Democratic press from 1970, new technology such as the photosetter, word processing systems, the computer in 1977 and much more influenced typographers and their organization in the 1970s.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The most serious threat was that typographers and graphic workers were losing their monopoly on the printed word. Some could sense it, but the vast majority had enough to do fighting unemployment that was not only technically determined, but due to energy increases and economic downturns.
The typographers’ struggles were defensive and they gained a lot of sympathy in wide circles, not least because the newspaper management behaved strangely in both 1972 and 1977. Employers’ dreams of graphic production without graphic staff did not come true at their pace.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

During the crisis of the 1970s, the inner lines were strengthened. In 1974, a new union building was ready for the graphic trades to move into. From 1972, the “Graphic Cartel” was re-established with the aim of strengthening cooperation in collective bargaining and international relations. In 1974, when moving into the new building, the cartel’s objectives were expanded with the task of forming a Graphic Federation as of January 1, 1979. As this year approached, problems arose again between lithographers and typographers and from 1980 the “clock was stopped” for the foundation of a joint union.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1980-93: In the spirit of technology<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

In the fall of 1980, typographers put new technology at the top of their demands for a new collective agreement. They declared themselves as supporters of new technology, but they wanted a say in when it should be introduced and how it should be staffed. Typographers demanded the right to have a workplace – even with new technology. Negotiations with the letterpress union went nowhere and meetings with the conciliator in 1981 ended inconclusively. On his own initiative, the conciliator postponed a settlement proposal without prior contact with the union. The members were therefore recommended to vote no, which they did by a large majority. The typographers bypassed the newspapers in their strike notice, but the employers included them in the lockout notice. An extensive conflict lasting 11 weeks became a fact.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The union now experienced a campaign of misinformation and misunderstandings from all sides. The 141 days of 1977 had been perceived by many as the last major conflict, but they were wrong. The typographers, however, had a hard time getting across what the case was about. This was evident in the settlement, which contained no promises about technology and employment. Instead, there was money, time off in lieu, better apprentice wages, etc. The members voted narrowly in favor of the settlement, but it attracted attention that the union leadership split into 13 for and 13 against.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

New technology was not at the forefront of the following collective bargaining. The union focused on local agreements, training and prioritized environmental work, which became all the more important with the many new machines. Closer graphic collaboration became necessary along with new technology, but the relationship between typographers and lithographers in particular deteriorated throughout the 80s and the problems seemed unsolvable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1983, the typesetters were carried out of Berlingske Tidende. The newspaper was the last major company to carry out the lead, the metal that had been dominant in 500 years of printing history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It was yet another signal that the graphic trades should cooperate with each other and perhaps LO indirectly came to the rescue. In 1990, the third graphic cartel “Grafisk Industri og Mediekartel” was founded and shortly afterwards a joint graphic unemployment fund was formed. Prior to this, LO had adopted a structural proposal with the formation of 5 cartels, which meant that the graphic trades would be locked into a large industrial cartel. This did not suit the graphic workers, which is why they voted against the proposal.
The new graphic cartel, like the previous ones, had a common graphic union as its goal and it was in the air that it was now or never.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As in many other trades, a union was necessary as employers joined together in larger units. A common graphic collective agreement was therefore on the wish list of the graphic organizations. Although it was not finalized at the end of collective bargaining in 1991, the common graphic perspective was established. Common shop steward rules and common working time rules for all union members augured well for future cooperation. During 1991\/92, lengthy debates were held internally about a common union.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On June 9 and 10, 1993, the founding congress of the Graphic Federation was held. All four unions, including the Media Union (photographers), had previously decided to dissolve their old union by an overwhelming majority of members.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The goal of the joint union was continued development in the common graphic collective agreement – joint efforts for basic and continuing education and continued training of unemployed members for the new technology’s work tasks. In addition, there were a number of social and professional tasks that had always been characteristic of the graphic unions. Finally, a continued high level of participation in the ongoing social debate became almost a matter of course.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Graphic Union’s lifespan of almost seven years became difficult, not least due to a number of arbitration rulings that went against the union. With a technique where other professional groups could master all stages of graphic production, it became increasingly difficult for graphic workers to claim that they were the best for the jobs. Grafisk Forbund could have continued, but when the traditional collective bargaining areas went to others, the members chose to dissolve the union in the summer of 1999.<\/p>\n\n\n\r\n\r\n

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\r\n\t\t\tLABOUR HISTORY<\/span>\r\n\t\t<\/div>\r\n\t\r\n\t
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\r\n\t\t\tLEARN<\/span>\r\n\t\t<\/div>\r\n\t\r\n\t
\r\n\t\tWhat about the boys? Gender equality in the classroom<\/span>\r\n\t<\/div>\r\n\r\n\t\r\n\t\tRead more \r\n \r\n<\/svg><\/span>\t<\/a>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\t<\/div>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\t\t<\/div>\r\n<\/section>\r\n\r\n
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\r\n\t\tThe emigrant home at City Hall Square<\/span>\r\n\t<\/div>\r\n\r\n\t\r\n\t\tRead more \r\n \r\n<\/svg><\/span>\t<\/a>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\t<\/div>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\t\t<\/div>\r\n<\/section>\t\t<\/div>\n\t\n\t\n\t\n<\/div>\n\n\n\t

In June 1993, Grafisk Forbund was founded. Bookbinders, lithographers and typographers disbanded their respective unions and united graphic workers in a common union. From January 1, 2000, Grafisk Forbund will be dissolved and the graphic workers will be distributed in HK, SiD and Journalistforbundet. There will still be graphic workplaces with graphic workers, but almost…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":47279,"parent":41402,"menu_order":6,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"page-kildepakke.php","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"editor_notices":[],"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-42485","page","type-page","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nYou can't be friends with everyone - Arbejdermuseet<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/arbejdermuseet.dk\/en\/library-archive\/the-trade-union-movement-then-and-now\/you-cant-be-friends-with-everyone\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"You can't be friends with everyone - Arbejdermuseet\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"In June 1993, Grafisk Forbund was founded. 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